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THE JEWISH
POLITICAL PROGRAM
Theodor Herzl,
one of the greatest of the Jews and founder of modern
Zionism, was perhaps the farthest -- seeing public exponent
of the philosophy of Jewish existence that modern
generations have known. He was never in doubt of the
existence of the Jewish nation. He proclaimed its existence
on every occasion. He said, "We are a people -- One
people."
He clearly saw that what he called the Jewish Question was
political. In his introduction to "The Jewish State"
he says:
"I believe that I understand anti-Semitism, which is really
a highly complex movement. I consider it from a Jewish
standpoint, yet without fear or hatred. I believe that I can
see what elements there are in it of vulgar sport, of common
trade jealousy, of inherited prejudice, of religious
intolerance and also of pretended defense. I think the
Jewish Question is no more a social than a religious one,
notwithstanding that it sometimes takes these and other
forms. It is a national question, which can only be
solved by making it a political world-question to be
discussed and controlled by the civilized nations of the
world in council."
Not only did Herzl declare that the Jews formed a nation,
but in relating the action of this Jewish nation to the
world Herzl wrote:
"When we sink, we become a revolutionary proletariat, the
subordinate officers of the revolutionary party; when we
rise, there rises also our terrible power of the purse."
This view, which appears to be the true view in that it is
the view which has been longest sustained in Jewish thought,
is brought out also by Lord Eustace Percy, and re-published,
apparently with approval, by the Canadian "Jewish
Chronicle." It will repay careful reading.
"Liberalism and Nationalism, with a flourish of trumpets,
threw open the doors of the ghetto and offered equal
citizenship to the Jew. The Jew passed out into the Western
World, saw the power and the glory of it, used it and
enjoyed it, laid his hand indeed upon the nerve centers of
its civilization, guided, directed and exploited it, and
then -- refused the offer . . . Moreover -- and this is a
remarkable thing -- the Europe of nationalism and
liberalism, of scientific government and democratic equality
is more intolerable to him than the old oppressions and
persecutions of despotism . . .
"In a world of completely organized territorial
sovereignties he (the Jew) has only two possible cities of
refuge: he must either pull down the pillars of the whole
national state system or he must create a territorial
sovereignty of his own. In this perhaps lies the explanation
both of Jewish Bolshevism and of Zionism, for at this moment
Eastern Jewry seems to hover uncertainly between the two. In
Eastern Europe Bolshevism and Zionism often seem to grow
side by side, just as Jewish influence molded Republican and
Socialist thought throughout the nineteenth century, down to
the Young Turk revolution in Constantinople hardly more than
a decade ago -- not because the Jew cares for the positive
side of radical philosophy, not because he desires to be a
partaker in Gentile nationalism or Gentile democracy,
but because no existing Gentile system of government is ever
anything but distasteful to him."
All that is true, and Jewish thinkers of the more fearless
type always recognize it as true. The Jew against the
Gentile scheme of things. He is, when he gives his
tendencies full sway, a Republican as against the monarchy,
a Socialist as against the republic, and a Bolshevist as
against socialism.
What are the causes of this disruptive activity? First, his
essential lack of democracy. Jewish nature is autocratic.
Democracy is all right for the rest of the world, but the
Jew wherever he is found forms an aristocracy of one sort or
another. Democracy is merely a tool of a word which Jewish
agitators use to raise themselves to the ordinary level in
places where they are oppressed below it; but having reached
the common level they immediately make efforts for special
privileges, as being entitled to them -- a process which the
late Peace Conference (Versailles: Ed.) will remain the most
startling example. The Jews today are the only people whose
special and extraordinary privileges are written into the
world's Treaty of Peace. (Original published in July, 1920:
refer also to the present United Nations: Editor).
In all the explanations of anti-Jewish feeling which modern
Jewish spokesmen make, these three alleged causes are
commonly given -- these three and no more: religious
prejudice, economic jealousy, social antipathy. Whether the
Jew knows it or not, every Gentile knows that on his side of
the Jewish Question no religious prejudice exists. Economic
jealousy may exist, at least to this extent, that his
uniform success has exposed the Jew to much scrutiny. The
finances of the world are in control of Jews; their
decisions and their devices are themselves our economic law.
Economic jealousy may explain some of the anti-Jewish
feeling; it cannot account for the presence of the Jewish
Question except as the hidden causes of Jewish financial
success may become a minor element of the larger problem.
And as for social antipathy -- there are many more
undesirable Gentiles in the world than there are undesirable
Jews, for the simple reason that there are many more
Gentiles.
None of the Jewish spokesmen mention the political cause, or
if they come within suggestive distance of it, they limit it
and localize it. The political element inheres in the fact
that the Jews form a nation in the midst of the nations. It
is not the fact that -- the Jews remain a nation in the
midst of the nations; it is the USE made of that inescapable
status, which the world has found to be reprehensible. The
nations have tried to reduce the Jews to unity with
themselves, but destiny seems to have marked them out to
continuous nationhood. Both the Jews and the World will have
to accept that fact. The Jewish world program, and the
political basis of anti-Jewish feeling which that program
creates, is exposed by Jewish cosmopolitanism with regard to
the world, and by Jewish nationalistic integrity with regard
to themselves.
JEWISH NATIONALISM AND THE PROTOCOLS
No one now pretends to deny, except a few spokesmen who
really do not rule the thought of the Jews but are set forth
for the sole benefit of influencing Gentile thought, that
the socially and economically disruptive elements abroad in
the world today are not only manned but also monied by
Jewish interests.
For a long time this fact was held in suspense owing to the
vigorous denial of the Jews and the lack of information on
the part of those agencies of publicity to which the public
looked for its information. But now the facts are coming
forth. Herzl's words are being proved to be true -- "when we
sink, we become a revolutionary proletariat, the subordinate
officers of the revolutionary party." These words were first
published in English in 1896!
Just now these tendencies are working in two directions! one
for the tearing down of the Gentile states all over the
world, the other for the establishment of a Jewish state in
Palestine. The latter project engaged the attention of the
whole world. The Zionists make a great deal of noise about
Palestine, but it can scarcely be designated as more than an
unusually ambitious colonization scheme. The Jewish "home"
idea so sedulously cultivated is a very useful smokescreen
for the confiscation of the immeasurable sources of mineral
and oil wealth. It is also serving as a very useful public
screen for the carrying on of secret activities.
International Jews, the controllers of the world's
governmental and financial power, may meet anywhere, at any
time, in war or peace time, and by giving out that they are
only considering the ways and means of opening up Palestine
to the Jews, they easily escape the suspicion of being
together on any other business.
Though Jewish nationalism exists, its enshrinement in a
state to be set up in Palestine is not the project that is
engaging the whole Jewish nation. The Jews will not move
into Palestine just yet; they will not move in at all merely
because of the Zionist movement. Quite another motive will
be the cause of the exodus out of the Gentile nations, when
the time for that exodus fully comes.
The world has long suspected -- at first only a few, then
the secret departments of the governments, next the
intellectuals among the people, now more and more the common
people themselves -- that not only are the Jews a nation
distinct from all other nations and mysteriously unable to
sink their nationality by any means they or the world may
adopt to this end, but that they also constitute a STATE;
that they are nationally conscious, not only, but
consciously united for a common defense for a common
purpose. Revert to Herzl's definition of the Jewish nation
as held together by a common enemy, and then reflect that
this common enemy is the Gentile world! Does this people
which knows itself to be a nation remain loosely unorganized
in the face of that fact? It would hardly be like Jewish
astuteness in other fields! The interest of the Protocols is
their bearing on the questions: Have the Jews an organized
world system ? What is its policy ? How is it being worked?
These questions all receive full attention in the Protocols.
Whosoever was the mind that conceived them possessed a
knowledge of human nature, of history and of statecraft
which is dazzling in its brilliant completeness, and
terrible in the objects to which it turns its powers. If,
indeed, one mind alone conceived them. It is too terribly
real for fiction, too well-sustained for speculation, too
deep in its knowledge of the secret springs of life for
forgery. Jewish attacks upon it thus far make much of the
fact that it came out of Russia. That is hardly true. It
came by way of Russia.
The internal evidence makes it clear that the Protocols were
not written by a Russian, nor originally in the Russian
language, nor under the influence of Russian conditions, but
they found their way to Russia and were first published
there about 1905 by a Professor Nilus, who attempted to
interpret the Protocols by events then going forward in
Russia.
They have been found by diplomatic officers in manuscript in
all parts of the world. Wherever Jewish power is able to do
so, it has suppressed them, sometimes under the extreme
penalty.
Their persistence is a fact which challenges the mind Sheer
lies do not live long, their power soon dies. The Protocols
are more alive than ever. They have penetrated higher places
than ever before. They have compelled a more Serious
attitude to them than ever before. The Protocols are a World
Program -- there is no doubt anywhere of that -- whose
program is stated within the articles themselves. But as for
outer confirmation, which would be the more valuable -- a
signature, or six signatures, or twenty signatures, or a
50-year unbroken line of effort fulfilling that program?
The point of interest for this and other countries is not
that a "criminal or a madman" conceived such a program but
that, when conceived, this program found means of getting
itself fulfilled in its most important particulars. The
document is comparatively unimportant; the conditions to
which it calls attention are of a very high degree of
importance.
The Fourteenth
Protocol --
"When we become rulers we shall
regard as undesirable the existence of any religion except
our own, proclaiming One God with Whom our fate is tied as
The Chosen People, and by Whom our fate has been made one
with the fate of the world. For this reason we must destroy
all other religions. If thereby should emerge contemporary
atheists, then, as a transition step, this will not
interfere with our aims.
The Fifth Protocol --
"A world
coalition of Gentiles could cope with us temporarily, but we
are assured against this by roots of dissension among them
so deep that they cannot be torn out. We have created
antagonism between the personal and national interests of
the Gentiles by arousing religious and race hatreds which we
have nourished in their hearts for twenty centuries." |
