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This
short letter was written by Sa'adeh during his first
imprisonment in 1935, at the request of his lawyer Hamid
Franjieh. It offers a valuable insight into the political
and intellectual atmosphere in which the Syrian Social
Nationalist Party (SSNP) was established. The letter also
sets out in a clear fashion the pattern of Saadeh's early
political consciousness, his views on the fundamental
national problems of Syria, and the factors which shaped the
development of the SSNP during its formative stage. It is a
moving account of a rising political thinker trying to break
into a hostile political system against enormous odds.
I
was only a child when the Great War broke out in 1914, but I
had already begun to perceive and comprehend. The first
thing that suddenly occurred to me, having witnessed, felt
and actually experienced the affliction of my people, was
this question: What was it that brought all this woe on my
people?
Soon after the end of the war, I began to look for an answer
to this question and a solution to this chronic political
problem which seems to drive my people from one adversity
into another, constantly delivering it from a lesser evil to
make it an easy prey to a greater one. It then happened that
I left the country in 1920 while dormant sectarian rancours
were still widespread and the nation had not fully buried
its corpses.
The situation in the diaspora was only a little better.
Various tendentious movements had had their effects and
badly factionalised the community. Although they were all
Syrians, a sizeable group among them had yielded to extreme
inter-sectarian hatred, so that, a Lebanese patriotism
concept arose in turn, which is itself also an outgrowth of
the leadership of religious institutions and of their
authority and influence [in society].
Obviously, I was not seeking an answer to the above-stated
question for the mere purpose of satisfying a scientific or
intellectual curiosity. For a scientific knowledge which
does not benefit is no better than a harmless ignorance.
Rather I sought an answer to that question purely for the
purpose of determining the most effective way to eradicate
the causes of that woe. After a preliminary systematic
inquiry I came to the conclusion that the loss of national
sove-reignty was the primary cause of my nation's past and
present woes. This led me to pursue the study of
nationalism, the question of communities in general, and of
the issue of social justice and its evolution. In the course
of my inquiry and research I became keenly aware of the
importance of the idea of a nation, its meaning, and the
complexity of the factors from which it emanates. It was on
this issue that my line of thinking became completely
distinct from those of all others who became profoundly
pre-occupied with the political life of my country and its
national problems. They worked for freedom and independence
in an abstract manner which took their pre-occupation
outside the national endeavour in its correct sense, whereas
I wanted the freedom of my country and the inde-pendence of
my people in it. The difference between this better-focused
conception and the previous ambiguous and highly abstract
conception is clear. I tried with all the Syrian political
parties and associations that I happened to join, or form,
or have contact with, to direct their thinking towards the
insights that I had myself gained, but I did not have too
much success in this regard.
Even a contrast with the ideas of the political bosses would
help make my own position clearer, in the sense that my
position became more and more founded on a national basis,
whereas their stances had been and continued to be
determined by political pragmatism. Politics for the sake of
politics could not possibly constitute a national act.
Accordingly, and in view of the fact that a comprehensive
national endeavor dealing with the question of national
sovereignty and the meaning of the nation, could not be
emptied of its political contents, I decided to enter the
political field by following the path of a new social
nationalist renaissance that would guarantee the
purification of the existing nationalist beliefs and their
unification into a single ideology and would, in turn,
foster the kind of solidarity (Esprit de Corps) which
is essential for national co-operation, progress, and the
protection of the national interest and rights.
After I was able to determine my nation on the basis of
modern science, which forms the cornerstone of every
national constr-uction, and to establish the social and
political interest of this nation in the aspects of its
internal situation and its external and internal problems
through the social, political and economic inquiries which I
undertook, I realized that I would then have to devise means
that would protect the new social nationalist renaissance as
it surged ahead. It was this that first suggested to me the
idea of forming a secret political party that would
initially incorporate those forces of our youth that stand
out for their integrity and lack of affection for the
corruptions of debased politics. So I founded the Syrian
Social Natio-nalist Party and I unified the various
nationalist beliefs into the one idea namely Syria is for
the Syrians and the Syrians are one nation. I also laid down
a number of reform principles, namely, the separation of
religion from the state, turning production into an
infrastructure for the distribution of wealth and labour,
and the establishment of a strong army that can play an
effective role in determining the destiny of the nation and
the homeland. Furthermore, I adopted a clandestine formate
for the party to shield it from the onslaught of the various
factions in society which dreaded its creation and growth,
and the authorities which would not desire such a party to
exist. I then organized the party on a central hierarchical
basis and in the fashion that focuses on the quality of each
recruit in order to prevent internal confusion, and to avoid
all forms of factionalism, destructive competition, and
other social and political ailments, as well as to foster
the virtues of discipline and duty.
I
laid all of this down and went ahead with founding the party
in total disregard of the existence or non-existence of the
mandate. Thus, the party was not founded exclusively as a
counterweight to the mandate, but to unify the Syrian nation
into a sovereign state that has the will to determine its
own destiny. Since the mandate was only a passing phase,
calculating its position and the party's attitude toward it
is a purely secondary political consideration. The party was
not founded on the principle of foreigner hatred or
chauvinism, but on the principle of social nationalism. The
mandate may have temporarily boosted the popularity of the
party and strengthened the motives to create it, but it
remains a subordinate issue which has limited importance.
At
any rate, the national question, by its very nature, would
inevitably have to come to grip with the conflict of
survival between national sovereignty and mandatory rule.
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