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Source:
http://www.redress.cc/palestine/cking20100606
Christopher King argues that
beneath Israel’s
litany of crimes against the Palestinians, and most recently
its murder of humanitarian workers aboard the Gaza-bound
international aid flotilla, lies the fact of its own
illegality.
The true nature of the so-called freedom-loving, democratic
state of Israel is now clear to the world following its
military attack on Gaza, its illegal blockade of Gaza with
terrible suffering of its population and now the murder of
nine humanitarian activists in course of pirating the Free
Gaza Flotilla in international waters.
These horrifying events should focus minds within the
international community on the legitimacy of the Israeli
regime. We should consider what meaning for its present
status its disregard for legality and human rights since its
inception might have.
The foundation of the entity Israel was supported by Europe
and America due to sympathy or guilt, as you might have it,
for the suffering of European Jews, the colonialist thinking
of that time and familiarity with the Jewish biblical
narrative.
The British government resisted
unauthorized Jewish immigrants from 1944 to 1948 because
they caused trouble with the Palestinians and no
administrator likes gratuitous trouble. When the Jews took
up arms the British were bound to take action against them.
On the Jewish side, there had been expressions of intent
based on the Balfour Declaration (1917) that gave Zionists
reason to believe that their aspirations had political
support. This was so, although with critically important
provisos.
The
preamble to the League
of Nations Mandate by which Britain administered Palestine
and which has the same essential wording as the Balfour
Declaration, reads:
Whereas the Principal Allied Powers
have also agreed that the Mandatory should be responsible
for putting into effect the declaration originally made on 2
November 1917, by the Government of His Britannic Majesty,
and adopted by the said Powers, in favour of the
establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish
people, it being clearly understood that nothing should
be done which might prejudice the civil and religious rights
of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine, or the
rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any other
country [my italics].
Whatever was meant by the term
“national home for the Jewish people”, it is clear that once
the Jews took up arms against the Palestinians, dispossessed
them and settled on their land, they acted against the terms
and intent of the Mandate, to say nothing of civil law.
Britain was placed in the position of breaching the Mandate
if it condoned Jewish actions.
The Balfour Declaration and League
of Nations Mandate in favour of a “national home for the
Jewish people” are often cited as the legal basis for the
Jewish occupation of Palestine.
It is obvious, however, that this cannot be true. These
instruments had no legal force. Moreover,
dispossession of Palestinians from their land breached the
most important civil rights safeguarded by the Mandate,
namely, the right to possess their land and the
right for them and their descendants to live upon it.
Israel’s declaration of
independence on 14 May 1948 when the British Mandate ended
has no legal validity.
Subsequently, Israel was recognized by other countries,
following the United States. It was admitted to the United
Nations, the rebranded League of Nations, by Resolution 273 on 11 May 1949 which,
again is cited by Jewish Palestinians as Israel’s
legitimization. Resolution 273 was a grave error. Israel not
only had no pre-existing historical foundation but it
incorporated a fatal flaw. That flaw was its failure to
recognize the rights of the Palestinians. The Balfour
Declaration and the British Mandate had recognized
Palestinian rights and the 10 December 1948 United Nations
Declaration of Human Rights was a general acknowledgement
that such rights existed for all peoples.
The right to own property without arbitrary confiscation and
to live upon it in one’s own country did not, of course,
come into existence with the UN Declaration of Human Rights.
These rights had always explicity existed in European-based
law, as well as in all developed countries and many others,
with the exception of the brief experiment with socialism in
some.
The right to own property and live
peacefully upon it already existed in Palestine. In June
2005 Turkey transferred Ottoman land ownership records for
Palestine up to 1916 to the Palestinian Authority. From 1917
to 1948 land records were maintained by the British
administration. It should be mentioned that the Israeli
authorities seized the land records held by the Palestinian
Authority as
reported by the Scottish
Trades Union Council on 22 April 2002:
Our Palestinian trade union
colleagues are now confirming what has been suggested by
such news reports as have been able to get out of the areas
under Israeli assault.
"Ariel Sharon, with the complicity of the entire Israeli
political establishment, is moving to complete his
lifetime's ambition – the creation of a state of Greater
Israel on all of historic Palestine, through the expulsion
or killing of non-Jewish Palestinians, and the destruction
of all physical evidence of their history.
"That is why the Israeli gunmen have not only been
massacring Palestinians. They have also been demolishing
centuries-old buildings, and ripping up olive groves, some
of which date back to Roman times.
"They have seized and removed the records and documentation
of the Palestinian Authority and of Palestinian civic
organizations, including all the membership records of the
Palestinian trade unions.
“And most significantly, they have seized the Palestinian
records of land ownership. What purpose can that have, other
than in order to destroy evidence of the Palestinians
entitlement to their land? [my italics].
The 22 August
report from the American
Libraries Association’s International Responsibilities Task
Force illustrates that Israel particularly targets libraries
that contain historical records relating to Palestinian
demographics (e.g. Health, Development, Information and
Policy Institute, Ramallah), commerce (e.g. Palestinian
Insurance Company, Ramallah) and government statistics (e.g.
Bureau of Statistics, Ramallah). Library papers and
computers are vandalized and records that could support
Palestinian claims on their land are either entirely removed
or destroyed.
The fundamental issue in Palestine is land and the right to
live upon it. Israeli actions make clear their awareness
that they have no title to the land. Israel is attempting to
strengthen its possession by making it difficult for
Palestinians to establish their claims.
This then is the fatal flaw in the
United Nations 1949 recognition of Israel as a legitimate
state within the international community. It ignores the
land and residence rights of the Palestinians that had been
made explicit in the Balfour Declaration, the British
Mandate and the United Nations’ own recognition in the
period leading up to the expiry of the British mandate that
Palestinian rights must be protected.
By fatal flaw, I mean that
the United Nations’ acceptance of Israel’s status as a
legitimate state is inherently invalid. Legitimate
means according to law. In dispossessing the Palestinians
Israel had broken that people’s legally valid tie to the
land on which they and their ancestors had lived for
centuries if not millennia, which is the very foundation of
nationhood, national identity and indeed, livelihood.
As I have said elsewhere, legitimacy for Israel can only be
granted by the Palestinians and even they cannot legally
give it while under the duress of armed occupation and
dispossession. Agreements with the Palestinian Authority or
even Hamas relating to land allocation and citizenship are
therefore worthless as they might be subject to valid legal
challenge at any time in the future.
The status of the Jews in Palestine in international law is
therefore that of a people having an ethnic identity, some
religious identity but without a Jewish country. Those who
emigrated to Palestine possessed national identities based
on their birthplace and parents’ residence as in the case of
the Palestinians. By these internationally-recognized
critera, if they wish to live in Palestine, they are Jewish
Palestinians among Muslim, Christian and whichever other
Palestinians have a claim to the land.
There is no point in the Jews of Palestine or anyone else
arguing subtle and complex legal points in refutation of
this. If this proposition is not true, then any people in
any country may be dispossessed by a more powerful country
and lose all claim to their land. That cannot be the case.
International law is founded on the concept of national
identity and the right to defend the nation on which it is
based. That is precisely what Hamas, the legitimate,
democratically-elected government of Palestine is doing.
The Jews of Palestine cannot
conceivably, therefore, invent a country and national
identity on land confiscated by armed force from the
Palestinian people. It is not possible.
Destroying Palestinian records is
crime of unspeakable viciousness that rivals the crimes that
Jewish Palestinians carry out against the persons of their
Musilm compatriots. It does immense cultural damage while
giving no advantage to Jews. The lack of records might be
easily remedied for land redistribution purposes on the
basis of the known ethnic populations in 1947, when mass
immigration commenced. A democratically elected government
for all Palestine, following the return of refugees, could
sort out the details.
I have never heard anyone suggest that the Jews of Palestine
should be ejected from that country. It appears, however,
that they do not wish to live equitably among those
Palestinians who have prior and better claim to the land
than they. In that case, I would suggest that they might
select an agreeable location of about 22,000 square
kilometres in the United States. They could emigrate, drive
its American inhabitants out and set up a Jewish homeland
there. More land could be taken over later if desired. As
the United States has unfailingly endorsed these principles
in the case of Palestine it will undoubtedly be in accord.
Alternatively, perhaps Muslim Palestinians might do the
same. I cannot see what possible objection the United States
government might have.
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