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Speech of June 1, 1935
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Response To Patriarch Areeda

Antoun Saadah's response to patriarch Areeda's speech

By: Antoun Saadeh



1-Introduction

On the 6th of this month, the Maronite Patriarch delivered a speech where he spoke about Lebanese politics and its issues and analysed them in a manner that is characteristic and traditional of the Patriarchate. His speech, then, was important and dangerous at the same time. This speech can’t be ignored like others emanating from the Patriarchate. It demands to be answered and clarified in accordance to modern political thought, especially since the Patriarch talks precisely about the Syrian Social National Party (SSNP), which in turn puts on us the burden of answering it in exact terms.

We were waiting for the patriarch’s speech to deliver issues and directions that would add political dimensions to the speech itself. However, what followed was neither germane to it, nor was it expressive of the speech’s content. What followed were political manoeuvres, which aimed at using the Patriarch and his influence.

Before we start analysing the patriarch’s speech something has to be said about the political aspect of his character, which is construed from his positions vis-à-vis different issues. For one, the patriarch had a positive stance on the issue of unity between Lebanon and Damascus. It seemed that he was very close to the national renaissance [in this matter]. His stance regarding the monopoly of tobacco growing and manufacturing in Lebanon was a strong one too. However, It was belated and ineffective.

If Patriarch Arideh had several blessed stances, he also had his share of not so blessed ones. Such was the case of his stance regarding the Jewish infiltration into Lebanon, an issue that caused Bishop Mubarak to exclaim:

“We elected you as a patriarch of the Maronites and not the Jews.”

We don’t mention Bishop Mubarak’s words so as to glorify him. It must be noted that the bishop too followed his master and became a bishop for the Jews.

From his past activities we see that Patriarch Arideh personally has no specific and calculated stance. He does not follow a certain political line. His political activities are dictated by events and by those who are close to him. Most of his stances are thus superficial. They are built on only shallow understandings of the events. In this regard the patriarch’s position on the 6th of this month was no exception. Here is the dissection of his speech.

In his speech the patriarch goes on to solve problems that had already become irrelevant due to the passage of time. His stance regarding the issue of government in Lebanon is like his stance regarding the tobacco monopoly, since it is built on the same theory; to look into catastrophes after they happen and to see mistakes after they take place, without giving any importance to the real issues and without understanding their real motives. His stance would seem a most successful one at first glance. However, what happens is that he mixes right with wrong. He instils the people with joy only to fill them with sadness once they try his position. The same thing repeats itself and the people are repeatedly joyous and sad…

It is obvious that identical actions lead to identical results. Thus the opposite of cure is created and the peoples’ yearning is dead. It seems that religious peoples’ dealing with political issues today is like their dealings with physical and psychological illnesses in the Middle-Ages, when the clergy had this omnipotent power over ignorant people. And as research in medicine showed that the clergy couldn’t take the place of doctors, so did also research in the fields of politics and sociology. Thus a bishop or a patriarch is not equipped to handle issues that belong to the political or social scientist. Thus, if a clergyman involves himself in the cure of political, social, or economic issues, he creates bigger problem for scientists in those fields who try to come up with a solution for an important issue.

From our own experience we have concluded that Patriarch Arideh is but a clergyman. He might be very righteous, peace loving, and devoted to Christ; however, he is not and could not be an expert in the political, social, or economic realms, even if he has the help of some of his close friends who advise him on such issues.

What remains is the traditions and importance surrounding the Patriarchal Seat, which comes to us from old centuries, the Stone Age, before the advent of iron, the machine, the Industrial and Agricultural Revolutions and the era of specializations…

We have to confess that during ancient times the Patriarchal Seat was consumed with the religious aspects of its herd. During those times the herd was a religious entity in itself. There was religious unity, which manifested itself in the political unity of the herd. Therefore, if one wanted to know the stance of a people regarding an issue all he had to do was ask the religious leader of that people. There were no personal opinions during these times. The power of the religious leader was complete and absolute.

In those times it was acceptable to refer to the religious leader as the political leader of the people as well. It was thus that the Patriarchal Seat gained importance and momentum that unfortunately continues to our days. What is more dangerous is the fact that this assumed importance is meddling in our political and national affairs, which are issues of utmost importance and dangerous to meddle with in an unprofessional way.

It is true that the Pontifical Seat had in many past instances defended the religious rights of the people and found the ways for continuing its existence. It did great things in its role as the protector of the people. It is because of this role that the Seat keeps its importance and power up to our times. Much did change from the old times. However, people are very slow in understanding social and political change. The people still remain a religious entity and work as such even though there is no reason for them to continue as such. This continuation was the reason why the Patriarchal Seat involved itself in Syrian issues after the World War I (WWI). Its interference in this was the beginning of the creation of the issue of Modern Lebanon, which brought the Lebanese people to their current stage of ignorance. This created the atmosphere for clergymen to interfere in and have influence over the people and the solutions of their national and political future.

These are the issues that make Patriarch Arideh’s speech a dangerous one. It is simple, confused, general, and doesn’t grasp important issues except those concerning the SSNP and the Lebanese Communist Party (LCP). However, as general as the speech is, at some points it negates some principles that can’t be neglected as we shall see.

2-The Confused Success

After thanking the delegations that came to visit him in his Winter Headquarters, His Beatitude starts his speech by declaring his sorrow vis-à-vis the events that surrounded the governmental decree to dissolve the Lebanese Youth Organizations.

Let us start by saying that the dissolution of the organization had saddened many, and His Beatitude was not the first among them.

The Patriarch also expresses his sorrow “for what was said as criticism regarding the parliamentary elections.” He then absolves himself from “these elections” by declaring that he left the issue “to its masters,” that is “the people and the government.” The reason why the Patriarch didn’t interfere in these elections was because he considers all to be his beloved children. Therefore, he can’t be with one group and against the other, since he is for all and he has to “put all under his protection.”

While the patriarch declares in his speech that he leaves a very important issue such as the elections to its masters, i.e. “the people and the government,” and states that he is obliged to have all under his protection, he suddenly declares that he finds no fault in spiritual leaders interfering in “temporal issues.” He then supports his stance vis-à-vis the temporal power, with this very bold and dangerous statement:

“The people, regardless of their divisions, ask us and expect from us to take care of not only their spiritual needs, but their temporal issues too. We protect the people and do our best for their good. The same people who gave the government the right to deal with their temporal issues, also want us to look after the same needs as well, etc…”

If there is a kernel of truth in this declaration, that the people had asked the patriarch to take care of their temporal needs as well, how can he explain his saying that he left the elections issues “to its masters” and yet the people wanted him to take care of these same issues?


We want to believe that the patriarch had no say or “interference” in the elections. However, we have to look for the reasons that led him not to interfere, when he considers that the people, “regardless of their divisions,” had asked him “to take care of their temporal needs and protect its rights.” Did the patriarch then disregard the people’s request, or was it that he didn’t expect what really took place and led to the “much regrettable” “criticism regarding the parliamentary elections?” Or is the reason the SSNP’s ideology and reformist principle of the separation of Church and State, so that religious leaders would deal with the people’s spiritual needs while the temporal leaders take care of the government and the state, without colliding with the clergy in their temporal dealings?

Yes. How does the patriarch on the one hand say that he left the temporal issue of the elections to its masters and on the other hand say:

“The reality of the situation is that the Lebanese people regard the Maronite Patriarchate and its leader as their father and absolute representative. The people expect from the patriarch to preserve its rights. And if the patriarch doesn’t accomplish this the people blame him, since he has always been their refuge in all matters.”

If His Beatitude acknowledges that he has been negligent of the trust that the people put in him, then he must also accept the fact that his interference in the people’s temporal needs was misplaced. If His Beatitude also acknowledges that he didn’t expect the sorrowful results that emerged, and, furthermore, also acknowledges that he is not so knowledgeable in political, social, and economic issues, then this acknowledgement would be interpreted by the Lebanese people as a disappointment regarding the Patriarchal seat and its holder. If His Beatitude doesn’t acknowledge either this or that, then the best way for him is to acknowledge the SSNP’s stance, so that the spiritual matters would not collide with the temporal issues and vice-versa.

If His Beatitude thinks that he can still bring in some sort of acceptance vis-à-vis these two diametrically opposed stances by saying that:

We want to have all sides under our protection

We would then answer by saying how ignorant is the patriarch’s in his thinking that he can bring these two opposite ideas into a harmonious unison?

3-The Lebanese People and the Patriarchal Seat

The reality is that we were very easy on His Beatitude regarding some temporal issues because of the fact that he acknowledged the situation as “Status Quo.”

His Beatitude says:

The people, regardless of their divisions, ask us and expects from us to take care of not only their spiritual needs, but their temporal issues too. We protect the people…

However, in another place he states:

The reality of the situation is that the Lebanese people regard the Maronite Patriarchate and its leader as their father and absolute representative. The people expect from the patriarch to preserve their rights, etc…”

We don’t think that when His Beatitude said “The Lebanese people, regardless of its divisions, expects from us,” that individuals from here and there were inciting the patriarch to interfere in some of the administrative issues for the benefit of these individuals, under the disguise of the general welfare.

We also don’t think that His Beatitude considered these individuals “The Lebanese People,” since under no circumstance can the few be considered the whole “people regardless of their divisions.” This can be so only if logic and reality are left aside and His Beatitude wants us to believe that he was in the realm of theology when he made those declarations.

We want to assure His Beatitude that thousands of SSNP members in the Lebanese Republic do not adhere to him, either as a whole or as individuals, and do not accept that he represents their temporal issues. We also want to stress that we doubt it greatly that non-Maronite religious congregations in the Republic of Lebanon look at His Beatitude as a “father and absolute representative to care for their general and private needs.”

If by “the Lebanese People especially” His Beatitude means the Maronites only then it becomes clear he creates a dichotomy by stating “The people, regardless of their divisions.” Furthermore, we also want to assure His Beatitude that Purely Lebanese SSNP members as well as many educated Maronites who have not yet had the time to enter the SSNP, would not consider themselves as inclusive of the patriarch’s definition of “The People.”


4-Spiritual Authority and Temporal Authority

We believe that His Beatitude addresses the SSNP when he says:

“Some objected to our course by saying that we, the spiritual leader, are interfering in temporal issues.”

We thank His Beatitude that he pays attention to our objection to the extent that he answered us. Now we have to answer him and make clear what needs to be clarified in this regard.

Let us first present the reader with His Beatitude’s answer:

“Even though spiritual issues intend to salvage souls through faith and Godly intervention, they have a lot to do with the body. Human beings are neither simple soul like angels, nor are they independent bodies. They are a mixture of the two. The body, which is the lower of these two parts, has to abide by the soul, which is the purest part of the body. The body is but a machine that is used by the soul to do its spiritual things through the body. And since Christian religion is based on the love of God and people close to you, it becomes imperative that the religious leader must help the people in all aspects of life, spiritual or temporal, which are important for their spiritual and temporal existence.”

His Beatitude’s answer is divided into two parts. There is first the part that is purely theological in nature and then there is a part whereby theologians see temporal issues. The first part is that which is devoted to the soul and the body. The second part is what a spiritual leader must do regarding temporal issues.

We don’t want to enter here into purely theological discourse; since we consider the spirit as God given while the body is of earth and the two are independent of each other…We want to hypothetically accept the theological discourse about the connectivity of the soul to the body. We will then analyse this theological discourse in the stage when the mixture of soul and body is established and the human being, whose bodily existence is but a machine for his spirit to act through, exists.

If the human being is born with the upper and lower parts, the soul and the body, he becomes complete only through the mixture of the two parts. Here we have to disregard all the teachings and research in the fields of psychology and psychoanalysis. In other words we can’t differentiate between what is psychological and what is physiological. We thus answer His Beatitude with his own theological premises and say: Since the great spiritual issues are directed by the relationship of the soul to the body, then each human being has a soul that takes care of his/her body.

And since the goal of the spiritual realm is “the recovery of souls through faith and Godly intervention,” then, by the same token, however strong the soul’s effect on the body, it must not come out of its spiritual form to enter the bodily form. Therefore, the education of the soul through faith and Godly intervention is a spiritual matter that has nothing to do with the body. This spiritual action must not interfere in the bodily functions. If it does so it is then devoid of spirituality. Therefore, the task of the spiritual leader is to teach the human being his/her spiritual needs so that he can then take care of his bodily needs “through faith and the rules of God.” Thus, if the human being is taught about his spiritual needs through the clergy, that human being can then independently pursue his/her temporal needs, without any ties to his spiritual leader. This is so because temporal needs are based on complex and sophisticated temporal culture, which is built on scientific and artistic knowledge that is different from the realm of “faith and Godly rules.” The spiritual leader then can teach the human being how to recover his soul and not be condemned to hell. However, that same spiritual leader can’t teach the human being in finance, economics, statistics, medicine, chemistry, geometry and other sciences that come through research and innovation and not through the dogmatic premises of faith and divine intervention.

We say that the duty of the spiritual leader must not transcend the realm of the spirit so that he is not obliged to teach in the matters of the body and thus become of the body and not of the spirit. This means that if and when a spiritual leader transcends into the temporal realm his teachings will be useless because they will be measured by how much he is knowledgeable in the temporal sciences and not based on his faith.

As to what concerns the theological relationship of the soul to the body, especially with regards to the interpretation that since the body is under the jurisdiction of the soul, therefore, it, the body, must comply to the temporal powers of the spiritual leader, is a deduction that, if it happens, would lead people to wandering in the dark. This could mean not only that the body is under the jurisdiction of the soul, but could also mean that all bodies are governed by one soul [that of the spiritual leader], which will in essence paralyse all the activities of the other souls and negate the concept of the soul being given by God. If the soul is responsible in its subjugation to “faith and Godly rules,” however, it is not responsible to let its temporal bodily functions be under the jurisdiction of a single soul, that of its spiritual leader.

Even the soul is not subject to be governed by the spiritual leader whose mere function is to adhere to issues of “faith and Godly rules.” Therefore, the body is totally free from such distractions.

As to Patriarch Arideh’s saying that:

And since Christian religion is based on the love of God and people close to you, it becomes imperative that the religious leader must help the people in all aspects of life, spiritual or temporal, which are important for their spiritual and temporal existence.

It can be said that this can happen only within the realms of “faith and Godly rules,” and not in issues pertaining to the administrative and political aspects of government and its power to deal with temporal issues.

Therefore, the insistence on having a say in temporal issues is something based solely on church traditions and has nothing to do with temporal needs of life.

5-The Spiritual Temporal Politics

I don’t object that His Beatitude be involved in issues that are good or bad for the patriarchate. Issues pertaining to the patriarchate are things that His Beatitude must look after with care and prudence. However, it is strongly objectionable that the religious leader must interfere in temporal issues by virtue of his religious leadership.

We want to underline here that a great danger exists if a spiritual leader interferes in temporal issues. This could lead to a power struggle between the spiritual leader and temporal leaders vis-à-vis temporal issues. And since the people have not only one but many spiritual leaders that are imbued in religious and sectarian fanaticism, which His Beatitude already acknowledges in his speech that this fanaticism exists in most of the Lebanese people, and since the interpretation [of the religious leader being the temporal leader as well] will definitely transform temporal groups into religious entities, this means that the people will remain divided among religious-sectarian lines and will never reach the stage of national consciousness, which is the only indicator of its political and economic unity.

After creating this power vacuum by asserting that a religious leader has the right to interfere in a people’s temporal issues, His Beatitude starts dealing with the temporal issues of the people. He assumes that there are eight issues, some of which are essential, such as the issue of independence and economy, and others that are secondary, such as general security and the judiciary.

And since His Beatitude starts to deal with the issue of independence, we saw it fitting to deal with that issue first.

Speaking of independence His Beatitude says: “One of the most important matters that a people wants is “independence.” Thus, His Beatitude considers independence as one of the most important matters and not the most important one that people need. This means that His Beatitude doesn’t suppose independence an integral national or popular condition. We thus see that His Beatitude deals with the integral issue of independence as a secondary matter.

His Beatitude continues by saying that Lebanon had enjoyed a “semi independent” position, and that it [Lebanon] is now “granted full independence under the auspices of the League of Nations and through the benevolence of the beloved France.” Here, His Beatitude reads independence as a “given one” through a “giver” whose credentials are derived through international agreements because of political situations. He tries to represent this independence as a substitute to integral independence that is built on the will of the people. His Beatitude doesn’t see that this “given” independence is wrong and can’t substitute for real independence. He doesn’t acknowledge that a “given” independence can’t be considered a real independence, since what is “given” can be taken away and can lead to struggle if the “giver” changes its mind.

His Beatitude also assumes that the treaty that gave Lebanon its independence, and which is still a matter of acceptance or denial by the League of Nations, is a complete and total independence. He makes his assumption real by stating that Lebanon is really independent, so that his listeners or readers would also assume that Lebanon has really became completely independent, that is it possesses all the pertinent conditions of “complete independence.” This is far from the truth, since the country is still under mandatory power until the treaty is acknowledged [by the League of nations]. And assuming that all this did take place, there is still the fact that is still has to undergo a three year trial period, which, if anything, doesn’t qualify it to have “complete independence” as His Beatitude assumes. This shows that His Beatitude is not professional enough in his utterances.

And since His Beatitude doesn’t deal with the issue of independence as a real expert in the field of politics and sociology would, he continues his erroneous explanations and speaks about secondary issues such as government, which has nothing to do with independence, to supplement his explanation. He says:

“Those who assumed (he means, were given) the power in the name of the Lebanese people have to do their best in their mission. They have to do everything and to sacrifice in order to keep [independence]. They have to prove to the people that they are worthy to rule and they are worthy of the confidence that the people put in them.”

His Beatitude refers to “those who assumed the country’s resources” as the government. However, what does the government have to do with the country’s resource?

In an independent country the government does not “assume the resources of the country,” but rather it is chosen from the real owners of these resources, namely the people. Moreover, they have to work within a political line that is acceptable by those who chose them to do that job. This is what democratic, parliamentary systems are all about. This choosing happens through the parliament. Those who have to work and sacrifice for independence are the people and not the government, which is merely chosen by the people or the nation for the purposes of taking care of the country and its resources.

As to His Beatitude’s words regarding “those who assumed the resources of the country in the name of the Lebanese people,” let’s just say that this is far from reality, since the resources of the country are still under the rule of the mandatory power, which has the last word vis-à-vis those resources. It is really a great responsibility that someone like His Beatitude would say that Lebanon has achieved “complete independence” and that there are those “who assumed the country’s resources in the name of the Lebanese people.”

His Beatitude after erroneously replacing the issue of independence with that of the rulers extends his words to them in a manner unfitting to the modern notion of government. Rather, he speaks about rulers of antiquity such as King Dabshalim. He most definitely speaks in a language that reminds us of the philosopher Bidba, who put his words of advice in the mouths of animals in his writings. One of Bidba’s writings goes as such: “Rulers are maligned with their love of tyranny, etc…” or “How many are the kings who lost their thrones because they cared less of their own people” or “Whoever rules the people must be above them in his character, etc…” What His Beatitude is trying to do is to show us modern government in the form of ancient rulers who thought that they were above the people and that their power was given to them by God. However, His Beatitude later gives us another picture about rulers in the section “the distribution of jobs and advantages,” where he says: “The rulers are privy to the benefits of the people for a certain income.” He thus leaves his listeners or readers to be engulfed in uncertainty regarding what government and ruler is all about. He does this while at the same time he advocates a notion that is diametrically opposed to the principles of constitutional rights and state: That the government is the ruler who is above the people.

His Beatitude returns to the issue of independence and he once again privatizes the “assumed Lebanese Independence” and expresses sadness that:

A group of Lebanese and some [political] parties that are under the influence of foreigners, such as the SSNP and the Communist Party, are against Lebanese independence.

These are all the negative aspects that the founding fathers of Lebanon’s independence are facing. On the other hand the positive aspects that work hard to keep this assumed independence can be summed up by:

Those Lebanese organizations, which were formed by the government’s knowledge, under its permit, and utilizing its blessing, in order to defend the Lebanese independence, [These organizations] have not shown any bad attitudes in their effort toward that end.

As to His Beatitude’s saying that “A group of Lebanese and some [political] parties that are under the influence of foreigners, such as the SSNP and the Communist Party,” let us note that it is far from the truth. We think it is the consequence of people with bad influence [on His Beatitude] who mixed up night with day and acted as if light is darkness for them. Thus, it seems that His Beatitude, because of the huge number of those whispering in his ears listened, to Father Louise Khalil and was deaf to what Father Bulos Mis’ad told him. His Beatitude thus preferred to listen to those around him who instigated the lie that the SSNP works for foreign entities, while the reality is that since its inception the party negates and fights foreign intervention in the matter of deciding our own future. It is the party that works hard to find the real and single basis for real and complete independence, which is rested on the unity of the nation and its aspirations. He [His Beatitude] thus put the SSNP beside the Communist Party, which is founded and works because of foreign assistance. His Beatitude should know well that the history of the SSNP and the real principles behind its foundation, shows, if anything, that it is the only party in the country that set forth the principle of the unity of the nation and worked hard in order to identify the principles for the attainment and defence of real and complete independence.

It is also imperative to mention here that during all the conversations and interrogations that were done with the SSNP because of the instigation of some people who are sold to foreign interests, the known and unknown interrogators found nothing regarding these dangerous accusations, which His Beatitude now uses for the benefit of a foreign state: “This is the state of Italy, one of the most successful states of the world,” which His Beatitude brings as an example through “the beloved France, the generous state.”
As to the issue that His Beatitude puts the SSNP within the anti-independence sector, this is based on his skewed knowledge of the reality of the SSNP.

As for his statement that “Lebanese organizations” are positive elements and pro independence, and that “these organizations didn’t work against that noble goal,” our answer to that is this: If the sectarian and religious divisions are the foundations of independence, then these “Lebanese organizations” would be as such because of their workings vis-à-vis the events of November 1936 and the events at Bint Jbeyl and other places. These events show, if anything, how misguided is His Beatitude when he says that “these organizations didn’t work against that noble goal.”

In reality, these Lebanese organizations should have been mentioned in His Beatitude’s speech as elements that work to divide the nation and make it impossible for the nation to achieve total independence. These would then have to be added to the other factors such as the incorporation of religion with the state and the interference of religious leaders in the national issues pertaining to politics and the judiciary.

Concerning His Beatitude’s thanking the government for its struggle against the SSNP, his positive attitude to the state would be apropos if the issue was related to the benefits of the Patriarchate. However, if the circumstance was regarding the nation and its independence, then the whole issue of thankfulness was misplaced, because it was meant to topple the party that is based on the right national ideology and that wanted the nation to rid itself from religious and sectarian strife and divisions, which, in our opinion, is the basis for real independence.

6-Economics, Administration, Judiciary

His Beatitude then leaves the political arena with his readers and listeners still wondering between independence and government. He then precedes to the second issue at hand, the economy.

Whatever His Beatitude says in this regard contains no professional ideas. He stays in the realm of generalities and things that the regular population is used to hearing in any regular society or club. His words are nothing new. They have been repeated for a long time in political and non-political speeches until they have become common parlance, Such as:

As to giving people more resources happens by encouraging agriculture and increasing national projects.

He also says:

Improving agriculture can take place by improving water distribution and not letting a source as important as water to wastefully empty into the sea.

He adds too:

This can happen by opening agricultural school. Etc…

All what His Beatitude talks in this regard contains no solution for a single economic problem. Improving agriculture, for example, has a direct correlation with a government's economic and national policies. His Beatitude doesn’t show that he feels that there is such a correlation. On the other hand, opening agricultural schools has to do with state budgets, tax collection and expenditures. So it is obvious that His Beatitude speaks only of simple and beautiful things but leaves aside the more mundane and professional procedures regarding real economic issues and the manner by which they must be solved.

His Beatitude then speaks about the issue of general security, which is also an administrative matter. He points out that one of the first obligations of a government is to protect the peoples’ physical existence and riches from internal or external aggression “by giving a decisive blow to criminals and wrongdoers.”

Here, His Beatitude attributes things to the SSNP, which would have been better if left to scoundrels. We understand that His Beatitude wants to protect the traditions of the church and the Maronite Patriarchal Seat by having a say on temporal power. This in itself is against the SSNP and its ideology. His Beatitude wants to keep the status quo, in the proliferation of which he had a great deal. However, he also wants to negate all other ideologies that run against this policy.

It would have been better if His Beatitude underlined this policy of his in the first place. It would have been better if he said that he is trying to protect the traditions of the church and the Pontifical Seat to the detriment of the SSNP and its national aspirations that is based on the unity of the people. It would have been better if he did not exercise his spiritual power to force a religious standpoint on political situations. If he had done that it would have been more befitting of him and his seat than by accusing the SSNP of something that the party is innocent of.

His Beatitude doesn’t dwell long on general security. He immediately shifts his attention to the judiciary and speaks about the court-system and how some law-suits remain unresolved for thirty to forty years. He points out that the government must, in this case, take an example from the Catholic Church, where law-suits are decided in a maximum of two year period.

It is not hard for us to understand where His Beatitude comes from when he speaks about the judiciary system with all its corruption and indolence. However, as the popular saying goes, one must not throw stones at someone else’s house when his house is made of glass. His Beatitude knows that even religious courts under his jurisdiction don’t really function the way he wants us to believe.

His Beatitude then makes a detour and once again speaks about administrative issues under the rubric of “the distribution of jobs within governmental institutions.” Here too His Beatitude talks only in general terms and asks the government, which is the product of the old political school-- which the patriarch doesn’t seem to wish to change, and which he prefers over the SSNP and uses it to struggle against the SSNP—“to be fair in their distribution of the governmental jobs regardless of political or factional differences.” In other words, he asks the rulers to be fair and not to adhere to their personal or factional consciousness. What His Beatitude doesn’t understand is the fact that this can be achieved only if we adhere to the teachings and the ideology of the SSNP.

His Beatitude Says:

“Because of the religious and factional fanaticism that exists in almost all of the people, Lebanon would not rest until each of the religious sects is given its fair share of governmental jobs, under a comprehensive and detailed program.”

How can satisfying religious and sectarian fanaticism bring about a good administration and benefit the people?


Under the rubric of “distribution of governmental jobs” His Beatitude interferes in the state’s tax collecting ability and stresses that this collection must be done in such a way that it will take into consideration the situation of the poor and those who barely make for the food necessary for their families. This is good but is not enough to advocate a real change in this regard.

7-Civic and Political Rights

After his discourse in the realms of administration as well as monetary, political, and economic policies His Beatitude shifts gears to speak about “freedom.” Here he takes into consideration civic and political rights, as well as economic openness.

His Beatitude resurrects himself from the realm of state to the skies of absolute thought to declare:

“Freedom is a natural right for the human being.”

After some talk about this absolute right [of freedom] where His Beatitude takes the individual as his basis, he returns to the realm of society and economics to state:

Every person must see the fruits of his/her own toil and benefit from it. He has the right possess what he was able to get through himself, his parents, and his relatives. The government must abolish all kinds of slavery and at the same time protect the personal belongings of each person.

We don’t know what exactly His Beatitude means by the term “personal belongings.” Is civic feudalism part of it? Are the villages of the Emirs, Sheikhs, Beys part of it? Moreover, is religious feudal owning such as the huge and almost borderless Awqaf part of it?

The theory of the individual as a basis is important in society. Social Order or Social Contract is but a plural contract that has been in circulation for centuries. We don’t want to delve into a solely social or philosophical diatribe. We will only take those issues that His Beatitude spoke about in his speech regarding “freedom” and which have a strong relation to modern critical thought and the status quo, especially when relates to the national issue for which we work.

We start with His Beatitude’s following statement:

“The human being is free to believe what he wants or whom he wants. However, he can’t oblige others to believe in what or whom he believes in. Moreover, he can’t distribute decadent principles that hurt others.”

We want to take the first part of the above quote that deals with the right of belief and not obliging others to do the same.

It is precisely with the intent of this declaration the His Beatitude negates himself when he advocates a struggle against the SSNP. This is so especially since the principles and the ideology of the party were distributed through acceptance and not through coercion. Coercion happens when one fights those with other beliefs and obliges others to assume his or others’ beliefs. This is what happened with Galileo when he declared that he believed the Earth was a round sphere that journeyed around the sun and not the opposite as it was believed at the time. This belief, which was later accepted as the truth was, at the time, contrary to the belief that said that it was the Sun that rotated around Earth. It also negated the biblical story of the Jewish prophet Esau who stopped the sun from rotating around Earth so that the Israelites could win a victory. It was because of this biblical belief that everybody had to assume that the Sun rotated around the Earth.

The issue is not as simple as it seems. In its current form it relates to the political order in which we live. Therefore, we have to take it out from its simplicity and try to use it within the context of the society we are part of. This would mean the civic rights of the individual in the society. Since this individual is a working member of the society he lives in. In a democratic system, such as the one that we are told we live in in this part of the world, there is this sacred rule that an individual can believe in what he wants and he can tell and persuade his friends to believe in the same. Moreover, he has the right to speak out about his beliefs and to meet with others and discuss those beliefs. He even has the right to think about what kind of government suits him best and to dispense these ideas among others. This will allow the people to be exposed to different ideas regarding an issue. The people will then choose which suits them best and bring those people to government whom they think are the best to implement their beliefs. If those who are elected try to change this democratic process for their own ends then they will become tyrants. Is this what His Beatitude wants us to advocate when he says:

“But it (the government) is free to struggle against political ideologies…and anything else that it sees as endangering the people.”

This is a very dangerous statement. Because it advocates that the rulers have a free hand to fight against those political systems that it despises. Pay special attention to the segment:

“…and anything else that it sees as endangering the people.”

From where would a normal government, which was elected just to comply with the system and to deal with normal issues, find the righteous wisdom through which it would know which political ideologies to fight and which to struggle against? From where does this higher authority come which would supply a government with a vision to see what is good and what is bad for the people? After all, this government was not even elected by the people in order for it to muster absolute power. If you ask the government what it does, will it answer you with His Beatitude’s big words, such as “I saw in this a danger to the people” and “I saw in that a benefit for it“? After deciding on such a dangerous course and such a dangerous role for the government how does His Beatitude imagine that he would criticize the government for its actions, since it acted as it saw fit?

It might be that a people would give such absolute power to a government to do what it sees fit regarding problems. However, such a government can act as such only if it has the absolute confidence of the people that elected it in the first place. Absolute power can only exist when there is such absolute confidence. But to give absolute power to a government that was elected with no popular confidence would only take us back to slavery and the dark Ages.

Does His Beatitude want to punish SSNP members, who are extremely confident that what they are doing is for the betterment and advancement of all the Lebanese, for their ideology and for their right to think the way they think?

Does His Beatitude want to give a government that was elected for a definite term the right to monopolize thinking and ideology in the state? Does he want to forbid members of the state from generating wonderful and brilliant ideas that such a government is not a match for in the first place? Does His Beatitude want the government to be able to shut down the creative thinking of the people? What would be the destiny of such a state that forbids its citizens from coming up with good ideas? Did His Beatitude think about these questions when he declared what he declared in his speech?

Regarding his saying that “…a human being can’t distribute decadent principles that hurt others,” it is something that takes us out of the realm of the political system and into the open world. In a state there are no “others” except by their rights and personal conditions. As to what concerns civic and political rights there is only the people, the totality of which constitutes the nation, and a government’s task is to look after its prosperity, security, and well being, before the security of the “other” individuals.

We consider this discussion as enough regarding the subject. We don’t need to delve into the philosophy of jurisprudence and its historical development. I would dare say, however, that we were considering addressing this issue because of the irresponsible words of His Beatitude.

8-Sociology

By exiting from the portal of civic and political rights His Beatitude leads us into the realm of society and marriage. For this diatribe he chooses the title “harlotry.”

In his expose His Beatitude constructs the longing of the society to religion when he says:

Marriage is a divine condition whose aim is to bring males and females together to protect the continuity of the human race.

After this His Beatitude makes the following absolute declaration:

Census data show us that there are almost equal percentages of males and females, even though it is also accepted that males outnumber females by about ten percent. This leads us to the conclusion that each male can only have one female companion and vice-versa.

He says this by totally ignoring what he said about males being ten percent more then their counterparts.

It becomes very easy to speak about issues if we start with absolutes and generalities. Moreover, finding solutions— i.e. superficial ones—become much easier. However, this solution finding process turns upside down when we leave the realm of generalities and step once again on the solid ground of the status quo.

If we totally accept the census results His Beatitude provides and we don’t take into consideration the statistical differences between different countries and states and take 110 men for 100 women and marry them we will still end up with ten men who will not have a soul mate. How can this simple arithmetical question be solved then?

Even though in our age and time the issue of marriage is not regarded as an issue of males vs. females, but rather a more complex problem that contains many psychological, economic, and social issues, we still want to argue about numbers only. Statistical surveys completed after the war show that there is a big gap between male and female percentages. Thus the simple mathematical theory that there is a man for each woman and a woman for each man can’t be accepted as such. This definitely leads to a disturbance within the divine condition and divine intervention and thus creates fissures within the normal state of human affairs.

It would have been wiser for His Beatitude to not enter the realm of statistics and thus to encourage marriage over whoredom.

If His Beatitude only spoke about the physical and material damages that prostitution entails and he supplemented that with the benefits that a married life and a family brings, he would have said the best and the most logical in this regard. He would not have opened the wormhole of personal issues and the bigger and more complex issue of marriage that we encounter in our country. We dare even say that we are creating more problems because of our dogmatic social traditions, frozen political activism, and desperate economic condition which lead to secondary issues like immigration, deprivation of social freedoms, as well as archaic marriage rules like dowries.

We agree with His Beatitude that prostitution and any other form of harlotry is bad and damaging for society. However, we don’t agree with the cure that he is prescribing for it... Doing away with and cleansing from sexual abuse can’t be achieved by just forbidding it. It can happen if we take a closer look at our social traditions and amend them and our economic woes and by educating the people with the right social and especially national education so that members of society will work toward bettering and elevating their social status and virtues. These are only some aspects of personal education that enrich real national education and which the SSNP did bring to the light through its ideology.

9-National Education

In the eighth part of his speech His Beatitude speaks about giving special attention to education. He titles this section “National Education.” Once again he starts with an absolute basis when he says:

A child is born devoid of any knowledge about anything.

He borrows from St. Erma the Syrian his thanks to God that he was born a Christian in a Christian house and from Christian parents. He uses this example to stress the importance of education and its positive results. His Beatitude’s saying that whoever was born and raised in a Christian family remains a Christian and whoever was born and raised in a Muslim family remains a Muslim remind us of the words of the Syrian eternal poet
Al Maary:

Each of our children is raised with what his father teaches him
Thus the son of Persian parents is raised on being a charlatan

His Beatitude wants national education to be divided among the different religions. He also says that the government can’t open or encourage the opening of non-religious public schools. This means that His Beatitude is against secular schools and secular education. Thus, His Beatitude advocates that the government must leave the issue of education to the clergy and religious, sectarian institutions, rather than the national ones that are built on the notions of secularism. This is another way of making certain that we will never become a one and united nation and our faith will always be in the hands of the foreigner who knows well how to play on our religious and other divisions.

His Beatitude then praises of religious education and ridicules and pities those who speak against educational scholarships. He then closes the issue of education by this marvellous religious picture:

The Christians will accept a more fair distribution of educational scholarships if they are treated justly in other matters and are not thrown out when it comes to other governmental jobs. If they remain silent while others make commotion, it doesn’t mean that they are accepting the situation. Moreover, the commotion that others make is not the result of them being neglected, it rather shows their greed and an appetite that knows no shame.”

10-Conclusion

Patriarch Arideh concludes his speech by summarizing the demands he mentioned earlier, such as those duties of the government that he aspires for but not “other duties.” He does this not for an important reason but “only not to abuse the patience of his listeners.” He also worries that his advice will go unnoticed as before and asks those in the government to heed to his words “if they want to succeed and benefit the people.”

Dear Patriarch:

You see that by dissecting your speech we have demonstrated how spiritual matters have registered an all time low because of the audacity of the clergy. This happened because the clergy are interfering in domains that are not of their area of expertise while they are neglecting the real domain of their specialty, which is the spirit.

We have also made it clear, Your Eminence, that you prefer those political parties that were born under your patronage and are ready to accept religious authority in everything concerning the domain of the state. Those parties miss no opportunities to make it clear that they are under your patronage. So it would be better for us to ask you to establish the real value of such political organizations.

In your speech you attacked two political parties. One of them, the SSNP, has been free since its inception and doesn’t bow down to anybody or anything because its mission is that of power and victory. This was not your first “sacred” attempt or campaign against the SSNP, which under your tutelage has seen all forms and colours of persecution for its case toward a united people and state. The second party you attack, the Communist Party, has been, since its formation, a slave to foreigners, since its mission is one of weakness and surrender.

It seems that after your speech this second, slave party announced that it abides by your authority. This is so because that party has no confidence in itself. If you want to have poisonous snakes under your robe add the communists to your side. But be aware that these snakes bite and poison their masters suddenly and without advance notice.

However, the free party will keep on struggling to achieve justice until it is victorious. When our free party wins such a victory be assured that all those working for reform will be in safe hands and they will have no reason to be sad anymore.